Chen told everyone to sit and called on Jianjun for an update. Jianjun reported that North Korean anti-missile defences had not worked well, partly because of an American cyberattack on their launchers, and it was likely the assault would achieve exactly what President Green intended, namely the complete destruction of the Pyongyang regime. ‘I need hardly remind comrades,’ he said, ‘that the 1961 treaty between China and North Korea obliges us to come to the aid of North Korea when it is attacked.’
President Chen added: ‘It is of course the only defence treaty that China has with any nation. If we do not honour it, we will be humbled before the world.’
Fu Chuyu, Kai’s boss, summarized the intelligence from Kai’s division. Kai then trumped him by adding what he had learned from Neil Davidson in the last few minutes: that the Americans were not planning to take control of the North Korean government.
Fu rewarded Kai with a glare of hatred.
General Huang said: ‘Let us imagine a situation that mirrors this. Suppose that Mexico had attacked Cuba with chemical weapons, killing hundreds of Russian advisors; and in response the Russians launched a massive air attack designed to wipe out the Mexican government and military. Would the Americans defend Mexico? Is there even the shadow of a doubt? Of course they would!’
Kong Zhao said simply: ‘But how?’
Huang was taken aback. ‘What do you mean, how?’
‘Would they bomb Moscow?’
‘They would consider their options.’
‘Exactly. In the situation you have imagined, comrade, the Americans would face the same dilemma we have now. Should you start World War Three because of an attack on a second-rank neighbouring country?’
Huang let his frustration show. ‘Every time it is suggested that the government of China should take firm action, someone says it might start World War Three.’
‘Because the danger is always there.’
‘We can’t let that paralyse us.’
‘But we can’t ignore it either.’
President Chen intervened. ‘You are both right, of course,’ he said. ‘What I need from you today is a plan to deal with the American attack on North Korea without escalating the crisis to a higher level.’
Kai said: ‘If I may, Mr President –’
‘Go ahead.’
‘We must confront the fact that North Korea today has not one government but two.’
Huang bristled at the idea of treating the rebels as if they were a government, but Chen nodded.
Kai went on: ‘The Supreme Leader, nominally our ally, is no longer co-operating with us and has created a crisis we didn’t seek. The rebels control half the country and all the nuclear weapons. We must consider what relationship we want with the ultras in Yeongjeo-dong who have become – whether we like it or not – the alternative government.’
Huang was indignant. ‘Rebellion against the Communist Party must never be seen to succeed,’ he said. ‘And, in any case, how could we talk to these people? We don’t know who their leaders are or how to get in touch with them.’
Kai said: ‘I know who they are and I can contact them.’
‘How is that possible?’
Kai deliberately looked around the room at the aides in attendance. ‘General, you are of course entitled to receive information of the highest secrecy, but forgive me if I hesitate to name highly sensitive sources of information.’
Huang realized he was in the wrong and backed down. ‘Yes, yes, forget I asked that question.’
President Chen said: ‘All right, so we can talk to the ultras. Next question: What do we want to say?’
Kai had a very clear idea, but he did not want this meeting to set an agenda that would tie him down, so he said: ‘The discussion would have to be exploratory.’
But Wu Bai was shrewd enough to know what Kai was up to, and did not want to give him a free hand. ‘We can do better than that,’ he said. ‘We know what we want: a complete and unconditional end to hostilities. And we can guess what the ultras want: some large part in any new government of North Korea.’
Kai said: ‘And my task will be to find out exactly what they will demand in exchange for ending their rebellion.’ But he already knew he was going to go farther than just finding out.
Huang repeated his previous objection. ‘We should not empower people who have defied the Party.’
‘Thank you for pointing that out, general,’ said Wu. He turned to the rest of the group. ‘I believe Comrade Huang’s statement is completely correct.’ Huang looked mollified, but Wu did not really agree with him at all. ‘We cannot assume these ultras are trustworthy,’ Wu went on, making a different point. ‘No agreement with them is possible without clear safeguards.’