‘Will you just let them get away with this?’
‘No, but I think we might pause to reflect.’
Kai’s phone rang. He left the table and found a quiet corner of the room.
It was Ham. He said: ‘The South Koreans are taking over the city of Pyongyang. General Pak has left.’
‘Where has he gone?’
‘To his original base at Yeongjeo-dong.’
‘Where the nuclear missiles are.’ Kai had seen them, the day he visited: six of them, lined up on their giant launch vehicles.
‘There’s a way you can stop him using them.’
‘Tell me, quick.’
‘You won’t like it.’
‘I bet.’
‘Get the US to make the South Korean army pull back from Pyongyang.’
The suggestion was radical, but it made a kind of sense. For a moment Kai said nothing, thinking.
Ham added: ‘You have contacts with the Americans, don’t you?’
‘I’ll call them, but they may not be able to do what you want.’
‘Tell them that if the South Koreans don’t withdraw, Pak will use nuclear weapons.’
‘Would he?’
‘It’s possible.’
‘That would be suicide.’
‘This is his last shot. It’s all he has left. He can’t win any other way. And if he loses they’ll kill him.’
‘You really think he might use nuclear weapons?’
‘I can’t see what’s stopping him.’
‘I’ll do what I can.’
‘Tell me something. Give me your opinion. What are the chances that I’m going to die in the next twenty-four hours?’
Kai felt he owed Ham an honest answer. ‘Fifty–fifty,’ he said.
‘So I may never live in my new house,’ Ham said with quiet sadness.
Kai felt a tug of compassion. ‘It’s not over yet,’ he said.
Ham hung up.
Before calling Neil, Kai returned to the stage. ‘General Pak has left Pyongyang,’ he said. ‘The South Koreans are now in possession of the capital.’
President Chen said: ‘Where did Pak go?’
‘To Yeongjeo-dong,’ said Kai. He paused, then added: ‘Where the nuclear missiles are.’
*
Sophia Magliani, the Director of National Intelligence, had been speaking on the phone, and now she said: ‘Madam President, if I may.’
‘Please.’
‘You know we have a back channel in Beijing.’ A back channel was what they called an unofficial, informal means of communication between governments.
‘I do, of course.’
‘We’ve just learned that the rebels have abandoned Pyongyang. South Korea has won.’
‘That’s good news – isn’t it?’
‘Not necessarily. All General Pak can do now is deploy his nuclear weapons.’
‘Will he do that?’
‘The Chinese believe he will – unless the South Koreans withdraw.’
‘Jesus.’
‘Will you talk to President No?’
‘Of course.’ Pauline looked at Chief of Staff Jacqueline Brody. ‘Put a call in, please, Jacqueline.’
‘Yes, ma’am.’
‘But I don’t hold out much hope,’ Pauline added.
President No Do-hui had achieved her lifetime ambition: she had reunited North and South Korea under one leader – herself. Would she give that up under threat of nuclear attack? Would Abraham Lincoln have given up the South after winning the civil war? No, but Lincoln was not threatened by nuclear weapons.
The phone rang and Pauline picked up and said: ‘Hello, Madam President.’
No’s voice resonated with triumph. ‘Hello, Madam President.’
‘Congratulations on your splendid military victory.’
‘Which you tried to talk me out of.’
In some ways it was a disadvantage that No spoke such good English. Her fluency enabled her to be more assertive.
Pauline said: ‘I fear that General Pak may be about to snatch that victory away from you.’
‘Let him try.’
‘The Chinese think he will use his nuclear weapons.’
‘That would be suicidal.’
‘He may do it all the same – unless you withdraw your troops.’
‘Withdraw?’ she said incredulously. ‘I’ve won! The people are celebrating the long-awaited reunion of North and South Korea.’
‘The celebration is premature.’
‘If I order a retreat now, my presidency won’t survive the day. The army will revolt and I’ll be usurped in a military coup.’